Crime Prevention: Theory, Policy And Practice by Daniel Gilling

By Daniel Gilling

This paintings summarizes and synthesizes the huge crime prevention literature to supply an approachable and complete textual content for college students. It units out a serious research within the context of the politics of felony justice coverage.

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Shaw & McKay sought to explain this phenomenon by reference to a value-laden notion of social disorganization, in which the “normal” controls of “normal” communities Crime prevention 26 were absent. The process, they argued, resulted from the squeeze exerted over the zone of transition from the central business district, which made it an undesirable place to live. Those who could escape from it did so, migrating to the outer zones, and leaving behind an area with rapid population turnover and low property prices, which in turn encouraged an influx of new poor migrant workers.

Coleman (1990) identifies one reason for this in the British context, in the fact that high rise had yet to make an appearance at the time of the publication of Jacobs’ work, but by the early 1970s had become well established, and, in places, equally well hated. Hope, furthermore, identifies a range of concerns, over high rise, rising crime and community decline, for which Defensible space “supplied an easily intelligible rationale for linking them together” (1986:76). Like Jacobs, Newman started with the contention that modern physical designs often hampered the community’s potential for surveillance and social control, and thus made the potential for crime much greater.

Labelling was easily entwined in the more radical demands of the new social movements. The one exception to this was in the field of youth justice, where non-intervention could be presented in a more liberal, reasoned light, in the 1969 Children and Young Persons Act. Even here, however, the changed climate of the 1970s brought a hurried withdrawal from some of its key principles. The labelling perspective was in an impossible position for a number of reasons. Its liberal adherents recognized the impracticality of doing nothing about crime, and thus Crime prevention 30 ended up merely proposing the exchange of the state’s hard machine of social control for its soft machine, with the latter not necessarily being any less stigmatizing, discriminatory or damaging.

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