By Joseph Errington
Drawing on either unique texts and significant literature, Linguistics in a Colonial international surveys the tools, meanings, and makes use of of early linguistic initiatives round the world.
* Explores how early endeavours in linguistics have been used to assist in overcoming functional and ideological problems of colonial rule
* strains the makes use of and results of colonial linguistic tasks within the shaping of identities and groups that have been below, or towards, imperial regimes
* Examines enduring impacts of colonial linguistics in modern puzzling over language and cultural difference
* Brings new perception into post-colonial controversies together with endangered languages and language rights within the globalized twenty-first centuryContent:
Chapter 1 The Linguistic within the Colonial (pages 1–21):
Chapter 2 Early Conversions, or, How Spanish Friars Made the Little leap (pages 22–47):
Chapter three Imaging the Linguistic earlier (pages 48–69):
Chapter four Philology's Evolutions (pages 70–92):
Chapter five among Pentecost and Pidgins (pages 93–122):
Chapter 6 Colonial Linguists, (Proto)?National Languages (pages 123–148):
Chapter 7 Postcolonial Postscript (pages 149–171):
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Additional info for Linguistics in a Colonial World: A Story of Language, Meaning, and Power
Other important work which brings notions of discursive practice to questions of language and power is Grillo 1989. 6 Of the literature on literacy, which has grown tremendously in the last 15 or 20 years, especially in history and education, I mention only Goody 1986 as a convenient setting out of the core ideas Street critiques as the “autonomous” model of literacy; Shirley Heath’s (1983) early, influential ethnography of literacy in the contemporary United States, which helped to stimulate much ensuing research; and a recent synthetic review of that work by Collins and Blot (2003).
For Tagalogs, poetry and literature were celebrated and appreciated in oral performance: The noblest literary form was the siday or kandu. This was the most difficult of all – long, sustained, repetitious, and heavy with metaphor and allusion. A single one might take six hours to sing or the whole night through, or even continued the next night, during which rapt audiences neither yawned nor nodded, though the frequent repetition of long lines with only the variation of a few words struck Spanish listeners as tiresome.
Tracing links between these descriptive details and zones of contact involves broader aspects of the times and places where this work was done. So I consider next reasons for Carochi’s larger concern with the “barbarism” of the misplaced saltillo, and then a question about baybayin: if friar linguists found it useful and “improvable,” why did it eventually pass out of use among missionaries and native Tagalog speakers alike? Civilized Illiterates I cited Carochi’s cautionary remark about the proper use of the saltillo earlier to illustrate a kind of political and cultural paradox: the Nahuatl were illiterate pagans who spoke a civilized language.