By B. Grob-Fitzgibbon
In his exploration of using intelligence in eire by means of the British executive from the onset of the Ulster challenge in 1912 to the tip of the Irish battle of Independence in 1921, Grob-Fitzgibbon analyzes the position that intelligence performed in the course of these serious 9 years.
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In his exploration of using intelligence in eire via the British govt from the onset of the Ulster situation in 1912 to the tip of the Irish struggle of Independence in 1921, Grob-Fitzgibbon analyzes the position that intelligence performed in the course of these severe 9 years.
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Extra info for Turning Points of the Irish Revolution: The British Government, Intelligence, and the Cost of Indifference, 1912–1921
143 In response to this, Birrell convened a meeting with Asquith and the cabinet on April 22. ” This magistrate stated that there were 100,000 Orangemen, in addition to 100,000 men in 381 Unionist Clubs across Ulster, most of whom owned revolvers and all of whom were committed to defeating Irish Home Rule. The leaders had not yet distributed arms, but they had established rifle clubs. , in each military district. ” He explained that it would be impossible “for the leaders to restrain the rank and file if this Bill becomes law”: Too many boats have been burnt.
C. W. Mahon, on September 4, 1912. The sergeant informed his superior that Trimble was attempting to get together a mounted escort for Carson’s visit and was expected to raise over 150 men. He noted that several of the men being mobilized in his subdistrict already belonged to the armed forces. 75 Mahon immediately forwarded this report to the Crimes Special Branch. Following requests The Period of Overt Militancy ● 25 for further information, Sergeant Henry Conway obtained copies of two circulars published by Trimble, dated August 30 and September 3 respectively, which urged men to join the Enniskillen Horse.
142 What, then, can be made of this Protestant minister who was in favor of a Home Rule parliament for Ireland? F. and that the best course of action was to leave the paramilitaries alone? Without a diary, journal, or series of personal letters laying out his innermost thoughts, and without the memoirs of a private secretary, it is impossible to answer this question with any certainty. Several points suggest themselves, though. Initially, Dougherty seems to have had genuine difficultly believing that his fellow Protestant countrymen, usually law-abiding and upstanding members of the community, could display such violence towards the government as the police were reporting.